Discrimination and attacks against American Muslims and Arabs rose by 7.4% in 2024 due to heightened Islamophobia caused by US ally Israel’s war in Gaza and the resulting college campus protests, a Muslim advocacy group said on Tuesday.

The Council on American Islamic Relations said it recorded the highest number of anti-Muslim and anti-Arab complaints – 8,658 – in 2024 since it began publishing data in 1996.

Most complaints were in the categories of employment discrimination (15.4%), immigration and asylum (14.8%), education discrimination (9.8%) and hate crimes (7.5%), according to the CAIR report.

Rights advocates have highlighted an increase in Islamophobia, anti-Arab bias and antisemitism since the start of Israel’s devastating assault on Gaza following a deadly October 2023 Hamas attack.

The CAIR report also details police and university crackdowns on pro-Palestinian protests and encampments on college campuses.

Demonstrators have for months demanded an end to US support for Israel. At the height of college campus demonstrations in the summer of 2024, classes were canceled, some university administrators resigned, and student protesters were suspended and arrested.

Human rights and free speech advocates condemned the crackdown on protests which were called disruptive by university administrators. Notable incidents include violent arrests by police of protesters at Columbia University and a mob attack on pro-Palestinian protesters at the University of California, Los Angeles.

“For the second year in a row, the US-backed Gaza genocide drove a wave of Islamophobia in the United States,” CAIR said. Israel denies genocide and war crimes accusations.

Last month, an Illinois jury found a man guilty of hate crime in an October 2023 fatal stabbing of a 6-year-old Palestinian American boy.

Other alarming US incidents since late 2023 include the attempted drowning of a 3-year-old Palestinian American girl in Texas, the stabbing of a Palestinian American man in Texas, the beating of a Muslim man in New York and a Florida shooting of two Israeli visitors whom a suspect mistook to be Palestinians.

In recent days, the US government has faced criticism from rights advocates over the arrest of Mahmoud Khalil, a Palestinian graduate student who has played a prominent role in pro-Palestinian protests at Columbia University.

Donald Trump, the real estate developer turned commander in chief, is laying bare his style of diplomacy in the early weeks of his new term: It’s a whole lot like a high-stakes business deal, and his No. 1 goal is to come out of the transaction on top.

The tactics are clear in his brewing trade war with Canada and Mexico, in his approach to Russia’s war on Ukraine and in his selection of the first country he will visit in his second term.

“President Trump approaches diplomacy and engages in a very transactional manner, with economics as the foundation and driving force behind international affairs,” retired Lt. Gen. Keith Kellogg, the president’s special envoy to Ukraine and Russia, explained at an event in Washington this past week.

For Trump, it’s about leverage, not friendship; dollars as much as values; and hard power versus soft.

It’s not just a matter of negotiating style. At stake is the post-World War II international order as Trump’s actions raise doubts about American leadership around the globe.

He’s shaping a foreign policy that’s more inward looking and conscious of the bottom line, dismissing American soft-power levers such as the U.S. Agency for International Development as dubious and riddled by waste and suggesting that the United States might not defend fellow NATO members that aren’t meeting defense spending benchmarks set by the alliance.

Politics and presidents to a certain degree are all transactional. But Trump, who helped make himself a household name by burnishing an image as an intrepid real estate dealmaker, is taking it to another level as he navigates an increasingly complicated world.

The Republican president, in his previous life as a real estate titan, saw every deal as one in which there were clear winners and losers. In his return to the White House, he is more demonstrably injecting a what’s-in-it-for-me approach to his dealings with both friend and foe.

Money talks

Edward Frantz, a University of Indianapolis historian who has studied the American presidency, said Trump’s “ledger” approach might not be the most practical way to conduct diplomacy.

Frantz observed that Trump, 78, a baby boomer and football fan, seems inspired in his foreign policymaking by the ethos of legendary pro football coach Vince Lombardi, who famously said, “Winning isn’t everything. It’s the only thing.”

“But diplomacy, especially in a more complicated world, might be more like soccer,” Frantz said. “Sometimes you just need a tie. Sometimes you need to just survive and move on.”

Trump on Thursday told reporters that he has decided to make Saudi Arabia the first overseas visit of his new term because the oil-rich kingdom has agreed to make a huge investment in the United States over the next four years.

“They’ve gotten richer, we’ve all gotten older. So I said, ’I’ll go if you pay a trillion dollars, $1 trillion to American companies,’” Trump said. He also made the kingdom his first overseas stop during his first White House term after the Saudis promised $450 billion in U.S. investment.

Trump acknowledged that the United Kingdom, one of America’s oldest allies, has traditionally been the first stop for U.S. presidents. But money talks.

Who has ‘the cards’ matters to Trump

In his dealings with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Russian President Vladimir Putin, Trump has highly focused on who has the leverage. Putin has “the cards” and Zelenskyy does not, Trump has said repeatedly.

Zelenskyy appeared to be making some strides in assuaging Trump after their recent rocky meeting in the Oval Office ended with Trump and Vice President JD Vance criticizing the Ukrainian leader for what they said was insufficient gratitude for the tens of billions of dollars in U.S. assistance provided in the three years since Russia invaded.

Zelenskyy said later that how that meeting went down was “regrettable.” He also made clear he was ready to sign off on a minerals deal with the U.S. — even without the explicit American security guarantees sought by the Ukrainians — that Trump wants.

In his Tuesday address before a joint session of Congress, Trump acknowledged Zelenskyy’s fence-mending efforts. Trump also announced plans to send top advisers to Saudi Arabia this week for talks with Ukrainian officials.

But soon Trump was back to criticizing Zelenskyy, saying he does not have the leverage to keep fighting the war with Russia.

“I’m finding it more difficult, frankly, to deal with Ukraine, and they don’t have the cards,” Trump said. “In terms of getting a final settlement, it may be easier dealing with Russia, which is surprising, because they have all the cards.”

Trump departs from years of US skepticism toward Russia

Trump’s push on Zelenskyy — and pivot toward Moscow — marks a significant departure from traditional U.S. foreign policy toward Russia since the Cold War.

Others before Trump, including Presidents Bill Clinton, George W. Bush and Barack Obama, have tried resets with Russia, but perhaps never at a time as fraught. Deep skepticism toward Moscow, even in the best moments in the relationship, has been the standard operating posture in both Republican and Democratic administrations.

But Trump, who ran on a promise to quickly end the war, has veered from Democratic President Joe Biden’s approach of making no major decision that could impact Ukraine without Kyiv’s involvement.

At the same time, the new Republican administration has taken steps toward a more cooperative line with Putin, for whom Trump has long shown admiration.

Trump has ordered a pause on U.S. military aid for and intelligence-sharing with Kyiv, halted offensive cyberoperations against Russia by U.S. Cyber Command and disbanded a program aimed at seizing the assets of Russian oligarchs as a means to punish the Kremlin for its invasion.

The United Nations’ migration agency has reinstated humanitarian assistance to Rohingya refugees in Indonesia, its chief of mission in Jakarta told Reuters on Tuesday.

The reinstatement follows a Reuters report last week that the agency had been forced to reduce aid to over 900 Rohingya refugees due to massive funding cuts by its biggest donor, the United States.

Jeff Labovitz, chief of mission to Indonesia for the International Organisation for Migration, confirmed the reinstatement of services to Rohingya sheltering in the city of Pekanbaru, on the western island of Sumatra.

“Our largest programme to provide humanitarian assistance has been reinstated. I can confirm there is no current planned reduction in services,” he said, providing no further details.

Separately, the agency said in an emailed statement that it “explored various options in response to potential funding challenges” and that necessary resources remain available that would allow it to continue its humanitarian efforts.

The US embassy in Jakarta did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

There are about 2,800 Rohingya in Indonesia, the UN says.

Many ethnic Rohingya – who are mostly Muslim, originally from Myanmar and constitute the world’s largest stateless population – escape squalid camps and persecution in Myanmar and neighbouring Bangladesh each year, sailing aboard rickety boats to Thailand or Muslim-majority Indonesia and Malaysia.

The plans to reduce aid followed the turmoil surrounding the global humanitarian sector, after US President Donald Trump took office in January vowing to halt most US foreign aid and dismantle the US Agency for International Development (USAID).